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A. By reasoning we mean the mental process of drawing an inference from two or more statements or going from the inference to the statements, which yield that inference.
B. So logical reasoning covers those types of questions, which imply drawing an inference from the problems.
C. Logic means, if we take its original meaning, the science of valid reasoning.
D. Clearly, for understanding arguments and for drawing the inference correctly, it is necessary that we should understand the statements first.
A. In rejecting the functionalism in positivist organization theory, either wholly or partially, there is often a move towards a political model of organization theory.
B. Thus, the analysis would shift to the power resources possessed by different groups in the organization and the way they use these resources in actual power plays to shape the organizational structure.
C. At the extreme, in one set of writings, the growth of administrators in the organization is held to be completely unrelated to the work to be done and to be caused totally by the political pursuit of self-interest.
D. The political model holds that individual interests are pursued in organizational life through the exercise of power and influence.
A. Group decision-making, however, does not necessarily fully guard against arbitrariness and anarchy, for individual capriciousness can get substituted by collusion of group members.
B. Nature itself is an intricate system of checks and balances, meant to preserve the delicate balance between various environmental factors that affect our ecology.
C. In institutions also, there is a need to have in place a system of checks and balances which inhibits the concentration of power in the hands of only some individuals.
D. When human interventions alter this delicate balance, the outcomes have been seen to be disastrous.
A. He was bone-weary and soul-weary, and found himself muttering, “Either I can’t manage this place, or it’s unmanageable.”
B. To his horror, he realized that he had become the victim of an amorphous, unwitting, unconscious conspiracy to immerse him in routine work that had no significance.
C. It was one of those nights in the office when the office clock was moving towards four in the morning and Bennis was still not through with the incredible mass of paper stacked before him.
D. He reached for his calendar and ran his eyes down each hour, half-hour, and quarter-hour, to see where his time had gone that day, the day before, the month before.
A. With that, I swallowed the shampoo, and obtained the most realistic results almost on the spot.
B. The man shuffled away into the back regions to make up a prescription, and after a moment I got through on the shop-telephone to the Consulate, intimating my location.
C. Then, while the pharmacist was wrapping up a six-ounce bottle of the mixture, I groaned and inquired whether he could give me something for acute gastric cramp.
D. I intended to stage a sharp gastric attack, and entering an old-fashioned pharmacy, I asked for a popular shampoo mixture, consisting of olive oil and flaked soap.
A. The likelihood of an accident is determined by how carefully the motorist drives and how carefully the pedestrian crosses the street.
B. An accident involving a motorist and a pedestrian is such a case.
C. Each must decide how much care to exercise without knowing how careful the other is.
D. The simplest strategic problem arises when two individuals interact with each other, and each must decide what to do without knowing what the other is doing.
A. The situations in which violence occurs and the nature of that violence tends to be clearly defined at least in theory, as in the proverbial Irishman’s question: “Is this a private fight or can anyone join in?”
B. So the actual risk to outsiders, though no doubt higher than our societies, is calculable.
C. Probably the only uncontrolled applications of force are those of social superiors to social inferiors and even here there are probably some rules.
D. However, binding the obligation to kill, members of feuding families engaged in mutual massacre will be genuinely appalled if by some mischance a bystander or outsider is killed.
A. Since then, intelligence tests have been mostly used to separate dull children in school from average or bright children, so that special education can be provided to the dull.
B. In other words, intelligence tests give us a norm for each age.
C. Intelligence is expressed as intelligence quotient, and tests are developed to indicate what an average child of a certain age can do ….
What a five-year-old can answer, but a four-year old cannot, for instance.
D. Binet developed the first set of such tests in the early 1900s to find out which children in school needed special attention.
E. Intelligence can be measured by tests.
A. If caught in the act, they were punished, not for the crime, but for allowing themselves to be caught another lash of the whip.
B. The bellicose Spartans sacrificed all the finer things in life for military expertise.
C. Those fortunate enough to survive babyhood were taken away from their mothers at the age of seven to undergo rigorous military training.
D. This consisted mainly of beatings and deprivations of all kinds like going around barefoot in winter, and worse, starvation so that they would be forced to steal food to survive.
E. Male children were examined at birth by the city council and those deemed too weak to become soldiers were left to die of exposure.
A. This very insatiability of the photographing eye changes the terms of confinement in the cave, our world.
B. Humankind lingers unregenerately in Plato’s cave, still revelling, its age-old habit, in mere images of truth.
C. But being educated by photographs is not like being educated by older images drawn by hand; for one thing, there are a great many more images around, claiming our attention.
D. The inventory started in 1839 and since then just about everything has been photographed, or so it seems.
E. In teaching us a new visual code, photographs alter and enlarge our notions of what is worth looking at and what we have a right to observe.
A. To be culturally literate is to possess the basic information needed to thrive in the modern world.
B. Nor is it confined to one social class; quite the contrary.
C. It is by no means confined to ‘culture’ narrowly understood as an acquaintance with the arts.
D. Cultural literacy constitutes the only sure avenue of opportunity for disadvantaged children, the only reliable way of combating the social determinism that now condemns them.
E. The breadth of that information is great, extending over the major domains of human activity from sports to science.
A. Both parties use capital and labour in the struggle to secure property rights.
B. The thief spends time and money in his attempt to steal (he buys wire cutters) and the legitimate property owner expends resources to prevent the theft (he buys locks).
C. A social cost of theft is that both the thief and the potential victim use resources to gain or maintain control over property.
D. These costs may escalate as a type of technological arms race unfolds.
E. A bank may purchase more and more complicated and sophisticated safes, forcing safecrackers to invest further in safecracking equipment.
A. Michael Hofman, a poet and translator, accepts this sorry fact without approval or complaint.
B. But thanklessness and impossibility do not daunt him.
C. He acknowledges too — in fact, he returns to the point often — that best translators of poetry always fail at some level.
D. Hofman feels passionately about his work and this is clear from his writings.
E. In terms of the gap between worth and rewards, translators come somewhere near nurses and street-cleaners.
A. Passivity is not, of course, universal.
B. In areas where there are no lords or laws, or in frontier zones where all men go armed, the attitude of the peasantry may well be different.
C. So indeed it may be on the fringe of the unsubmissive.
D. However, for most of the soil-bound peasants the problem is not whether to be normally passive or active, but when to pass from one state to another.
E. This depends on an assessment of the political situation.
A. As officials, their vision of a country shouldn’t run too far beyond that of the local people with whom they have to deal.
B. Ambassadors have to choose their words.
C. To say what they feel they have to say, they appear to be denying or ignoring part of what they know.
D. So, with ambassadors as with other expatriates in black Africa, there appears at a first meeting a kind of ambivalence.
E. They do a specialized job and it is necessary for them to live ceremonial lives.